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The upcoming elections in the Netherlands may be important as they will determine the composition of the Upper Chamber based on the outcome of the twelve provincial assemblies, and three parties out of more than thirty may offer a true alternative to the political alignment that has prevailed for decades.

We are living in a world in which most nations self-define as “democracies.” In order to uphold the claim of being a democracy, from time to time, elections need to be held in which citizens have the opportunity to cast their vote for the candidates and parties whom they feel best represent their interests. So far, so good.

Before, during and after such elections, there is a lot of manipulation, influencing, fraud in vote counting, and wheeling and dealing. All of it is part and parcel of elections. Therefore, election results are often quite disappointing. Eventually, most people will have to conclude that their influence, both as an individual and as a member of a group or collective, is rather limited.

The Netherlands, that strange country in the northwestern corner of the European mainland, is no exception. Like the other members of the European Union and NATO (except the US), its government has only very limited autonomy. Over the years, like all those other states, the Netherlands has had to sacrifice so much of its national sovereignty that it can no longer be considered an independent political entity. It is useful to bear in mind that eighty percent of all laws, rules, and regulations are being decided by the EU bureaucratic machinery in Brussels.

However, for what it is worth, on paper the Netherlands continues to be a sovereign nation, which is precisely why the upcoming elections on 15 March may turn out to be important. These elections are for the twelve provincial assemblies, and on the basis of their outcome, the composition of the Eerste Kamer (Upper Chamber, the Dutch Senate) is determined. It may be the first time in many years that the provincial elections really matter.

There are only three parties out of the more than thirty in the Netherlands that offer a true alternative to the political alignment such as it has prevailed for decades.

The reason is that the Tweede Kamer (Lower Chamber, the Dutch House of Representatives) has virtually been hijacked by a close-knit alliance of “Left Liberals,” Greens and Christian Democrats. The most militant and ideologically rigid of these parties are D66 and the Greens. Like everywhere else in Europe, the Social Democrats (PvdA) have become marginalized since the wholesale adoption of neoliberalism as their new gospel. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, their role as the most faithful local extension of US power and influence has been taken over by the Greens and D66, which are also the most vociferous advocates of the WEF and “sustainable development goals.” D66 is also the most fanatical Russophobic war party, with its relentless appeals for sending ever more weapons to the Ukraine in order to “defend our values.”

There are only three parties out of the more than thirty in the Netherlands that offer a true alternative to the political alignment such as it has prevailed for decades. These parties are PVV (Party for Freedom), FvD (Forum for Democracy) and BVNL (Interest of the Netherlands), of which FvD is the most dynamic, enjoying the highest appeal among young voters. It comes as no surprise that these parties are labeled as “right-wing populist.”

Because of its dynamism, no-nonsense platforms and the personal qualities and charisma of its representatives, the FvD, like the AfD in Germany, is being singled out for the harshest treatment. It is considered a grave danger to the so-called cartel parties that dominate the political theater. With the elections coming nearer, the Dutch state media are now in the final stages of an all-out offensive against all “right-wing populists,” leaving no stone unturned, not shirking from any tactics, no matter how reprehensible. Nevertheless, the FvD exudes confidence and focus, as its platform is based on facts, sound principles and sound logic, unlike those of the ruling cartel. The government and its supporters are clearly afraid of the youthful energy, charisma and intelligence of FvD leader Thierry Baudet and other FvD members such as Gideon van Meijeren and Pepijn van Houwelingen. The FvD is the only party that is truly nationalist, that values Dutch national history and traditions within the broader framework of European civilization, and that wants to leave the EU, condemns the US occupation of Europe, and vehemently opposes international crime syndicates such as the WEF and the WHO.

But the obstacles to overcome are daunting. For one, in the state media and the MSM, nothing even remotely favorable to the true opposition is ever allowed to appear. The only items permitted are hit pieces, ranging from outright ad hominem attacks to more veiled forms of smearing. One example is the high-brow talk show Lubach, produced by the wife of the LGBT Defense Minister of D66, Mrs. Kajsa Ollongren, with a load of damaging fake news about FvD party finances.

Pre-election polls are intentionally confusing and vital preparation for the inevitable vote-counting fraud since they will never indicate the true percentage of voters intending to vote for the opposition. Indeed, this may actually be anywhere between twenty-five and forty percent. During the previous provincial assembly elections in 2019, the FvD obtained a whopping 14.5 % of the votes. For two decades, the PVV has been consistently accounting for at least ten percent of the votes.

In view of the monumental mismanagement by the government led by Mark Rutte (the longest-serving PM in Dutch history) and the degree of silent, impotent rage it has caused among Dutch voters, it is only to be expected that more people will be voting for “right-wing populists” than ever before. People are sick and tired of having to cheer and pay for the Ukraine, fed up with having to undergo the daily barrage of outrageous climate worship and being told to make sacrifices to the angry climate gods and their priests. The Dutch are also indignant that last year alone, Rutte allowed 400,000 “refugees” in search of “asylum,” mostly from Africa, Asia and the Ukraine, to settle in the Netherlands. In order to make room for all these newcomers, more and more native Dutch people are being evicted from their homes. Others see the safety disappear from the neighborhoods where they are living due to the massive influx of foreigners with criminal records, chips on their shoulders and axes to grind. At the same time, food prices have risen by thirty percent due to the EU sanctions against Russia in response to the special military operation in the Ukraine. The prices for electricity and gas have risen even more sharply since last year. No wonder the native Dutch are leaving their country in droves: each year, an average of 100,000 of them.

As a matter of fact, there is every reason to say “stop” to the government by voting for the FvD and PVV. If these parties should manage to get a majority in the Senate, matters could change for the better. However, a combination of incessant pro-government propaganda, the inertia and acquiescence of the public and voting fraud are likely to prevent that from happening.

Citizens who cannot or do not want to leave the country but refuse to accept the situation and want to solve matters and make life better for their children have no other option than to take to the streets and demonstrate. That is why Dutch farmers, faced with expropriation on account of the “green agenda” to reduce nitrogen emissions, have been protesting with their tractors since last year. However, judging by the way the police have been dressed, equipped and trained for decades now, one can only conclude that protests and demonstrations have long been taken into account by the ruling elites.

Some twenty years ago, there was a comparable challenge to the prevailing political system by the charismatic figure of Pim Fortuyn. The only way to stop him from becoming the leader of the country was to liquidate him and to make it appear like the act of a “lone wolf” fanatic. While there always is a comparable looming danger for Baudet and his circle of young leaders, for some reason, it seems the current Dutch leadership lacks the resolve and ruthlessness to use such harsh methods to protect the status quo.

Like Pim Fortuyn’s party two decades ago, the FvD has been the target of Dutch state intelligence aimed at sowing discord among party members and at causing candidates to defect for ostensibly silly reasons once they were elected. Quite likely, as is not uncommon in politics, blackmail by state intelligence has also been used to weaken the FvD.

If the FvD and the PVV manage to obtain a good result on 15 March, this will have a profound effect both on Dutch politics and on European politics in general. If the results are disappointing, it will not stop the FvD from being the only visionary and truly viable political party in the Netherlands.

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Hans Vogel

Hans Vogel spent his youth in Indonesia and the Netherlands, studied at Leiden University and received a doctorate in history from the University of Florida. After teaching Latin American and military history at Leiden University, he taught European and world history in Buenos Aires (UADE and ESEADE universities). He is the author of a standard history of Latin America and numerous monographs and articles on military, European and Argentinian history. Over the years, he has served as an advisor to several governments and state agencies, and as a lecturer on Latin American politics for the Netherlands Institute of International Affairs, while he has also been active in journalism for Dutch and Russian outlets. Since 2002, he has been living abroad (mainly Argentina, Belgium and Italy).

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[…] De komende verkiezingen in Nederland kunnen belangrijk zijn omdat zij de samenstelling van de Eerste Kamer zullen bepalen op basis van de resultaten van de twaalf provinciale assemblees, en drie van de meer dan dertig partijen kunnen een echt alternatief bieden voor de politieke lijn die decennialang de overhand heeft gehad, schrijft Hans Vogel. […]

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